The principle on which the British Government proceeded from the beginning was that Trinidad was to serve as an island of experiment. For this reason, all ameliorative measures were to be given trial in the colony before being applied in other territories. But the history of the period shows that attempts were made to implement the various measures in the other islands even before they had proven to be successful in Trinidad. The programme of registration, begun in 1812, was actually instituted in Trinidad after the Government had failed to win Perceval’s support for a Bill embracing the entire West Indies. However, its success in Trinidad had not been established when it was extended to the other British West Indian colonies. When the first annual returns from Trinidad were being prepared in 1815 the bill establishing the Colonial Registry in London was being debated in parliament. Subsequently, the old West Indian islands were asked to introduce aspects of the Orders in Council of 1824 and 1831 even though their effectiveness in Trinidad was still in doubt. Difficulties dogged the implementation of the first, at the same time that attempts were being made to secure its adoption in the other islands. While failure threatened the scheme of 1831, economic pressure was being used to impose the programme elsewhere. In the end neither experiment nor persuasion worked as they had been expected to do; and abolition became the only solution.
The structure of society within the colony militated against the successful implementation of the amelioration programme. In some respects it was a divided society: old colonists not united with new except in opposition to the British slave policy. And where constitutional changes were implemented in 1831, the religious affiliation of the old colonists was used as an objection to their membership of the Legislative Council. The white slave owners were concerned not only with keeping the slaves as they were, but with maintaining existing restrictions against the free coloureds – wealthy or otherwise - except where self interest demanded some measure of cooperation with them. The latter exhibited a rift within their own ranks whereby the richer and better educated ones looked towards the position of the whites as embodying the goal of their aspirations. This naturally meant that they were less inclined to identify themselves with the poorer free coloureds, and even less so with the slave class from which they had sprung. Their ambivalence eventually led them to support the white slave owners in their opposition to the Order in Council of November 1831.
This division within the society did not only influence negative attitudes during the process of amelioration, it set the stage for those developments which were to follow. Both the Act of 1833 and the attendant Ordinances indicated a desire to be restrictive; and this restrictive tendency was reflected in later legislation. These only served to keep old and new freemen apart. In addition, most slave owners were convinced of the inability of the African to provide for himself after emancipation or to commit himself to regular work – “habits of industry,” as it was termed. Any vision slave owners may have had of an immediate return of their dependents to the plantations never materialised. Those who left the estates set themselves up as small proprietors and traders, and were apparently doing well.1
At no time, during the period 1812 -1834, were the West Indian slaves merely passive observers in the whole process. Their general restlessness could be seen in Barbados in 1816 when the Registration Bill was being debated; in Demerara in the slave uprising of 1823; and in Jamaica towards the end of 1831 and early 1832. The burning of canes and the withdrawal of labour in Trinidad in 1832 demonstrated the same restiveness this. It may well be that the small size of the slave population and the novelty of the slave system in this island did not allow sufficient time for a strong tradition of combating the system to evolve. In every case of rebellion during this period, the unrest was based on the belief that the King had granted freedom and that their masters had withheld it.2 The agitation demonstrated in Port of Spain during the first days of abolition was an indication of the disappointment of the slave population with the introduction of apprenticeship. They were no longer slaves; but to be compelled to work 45 hours weekly for people they were now to consider their “employers” rather than their owners, did not appear to present much of a difference. Such was the tension in the island that members of the Legislative Council were even prepared to consider expanding the