The theory of group evolutionary strategies
described in A People That Shall Dwell
Alone: Judaism as a Group Evolutionary Strategy (MacDonald 1994; hereafter PTSDA) argued that Judaism may be
understood mainly as a cultural invention, maintained by social controls that
act to structure the behavior of group members and characterized by a religious
ideology that rationalizes ingroup behavior both to ingroup members and to
outsiders. Although evolved mechanisms of group cohesion are also important, it
was shown that social controls acting within the group were able to structure
the group to facilitate ingroup economic and political cooperation and resource
competition with outgroups, erect barriers to genetic penetration from outside
the group, and facilitate eugenic practices aimed at producing high
intelligence and high-investment parenting ideally suited to developing a
specialized ecological role within human societies. Because of these traits,
and particularly an IQ that is at least one standard deviation above the
Caucasian mean, Judaism has been a powerful force in several historical eras.
The proposal that Judaism may be usefully
conceptualized as a group evolutionary strategy suggests that anti-Semitism be
defined as negative attitudes or behavior directed at Jews because of their
group membership. This is a very broad definition...one that is equally
applicable to anti-Jewish attitudes in any historical era. It is also
consistent with a very wide range of external processes contributing to
anti-Semitism in a particular historical era, and also with qualitative changes
in the nature of anti-Jewish attitudes or the institutional structure of
anti-Semitism at different times and places.
One type of evolutionary approach to anti-Semitism
considers the possibility that humans have mechanisms that cause them to favor
relatives or others who share genes. There is little doubt that kin recognition
mechanisms exist among animals (see Rushton 1989), and some evolutionists
(e.g., Dunbar 1987; Shaw & Wong 1989; van der Dennen 1987; Vine 1987) have
proposed genetic mechanisms based on kin recognition as an explanation for
xenophobia, although others have proposed that the genetic mechanism may well
depend on learning during development (e.g., Alexander 1979, 126–128). Genetic
Similarity Theory (GST) (Rushton 1989) extends beyond kin recognition by proposing
mechanisms (possibly based on kin recognition mechanisms) that assess
phenotypic similarity as a marker for genetic similarity. These proposed
mechanisms would then promote positive attitudes and a lower threshold for
altruism for similar others. There is indeed considerable evidence, summarized
in Rushton (1989) and Segal (1993), that phenotypic similarity is an important
factor in human assortment, helping behavior, and liking others, although
whether GST can account for these phenomena remains controversial (see
commentary in Rushton 1989).
Mechanisms based on kin recognition and phenotypic
similarity may have some role in traditional anti-Semitism, since in traditional
societies there would be much more phenotypic similarity among gentiles than
between Jews and gentiles, due to differences in clothing, language, appearance
(e.g., hair style), and quite often their physical features. Moreover, among
Jews, there are anecdotal reports of very high levels of rapport and ability to
recognize other Jews which are consistent with the existence of some sort of
kin recognition system among Jews.1 As Harvard sociologist Daniel
Bell notes, “I was born in galut and
I accept...now gladly, though once in pain...the double burden and the double
pleasure of my self-consciousness, the outward life of an American and the
inward secret of the Jew. I walk with this sign as a frontlet between my eyes,
and it is as visible to some secret others as their sign is to me” (Bell 1961,
477). Or consider Sigmund Freud, who wrote that he found “the attraction of
Judaism and of Jews so irresistible, many dark emotional powers, all the
mightier the less they let themselves be grasped in words, as well as the clear
consciousness of inner identity, the secrecy of the same mental construction”
(in Gay 1988, 601).
However, theories based on phenotypic similarity do
not address the crucial importance of cultural manipulation of segregative
mechanisms as a fundamental characteristic of Judaism. Indeed, I would suggest
that the segregative cultural practices of Judaism have actually resulted in
ethnic similarity being of disproportionate importance for Jews in regulating
their associations with others. Because of the cultural barriers between Jews
and the gentile world, phenotypic similarity between Jews and gentiles on a
wide range of traits was effectively precluded as a mechanism for promoting
friendship and marriage between Jews and gentiles, and there was a corresponding
hypertrophy of the importance of religious/ethnic affiliation (i.e., group
membership) as a criterion of assortment.
Moreover, generalized negative attitudes toward
dissimilar others seem insufficient to account for anti-Semitism directed against
individuals because of their group membership. The mechanisms implied by GST or
proposed evolved mechanisms of xenophobia postulate that each individual
assesses others on a continuum ranging from very similar to very dissimilar.
The important feature of Judaism, however, is that there are discontinuities
created by Jewish separatism and the consequent hypertrophy of Jewish
religious/ethnic (i.e., group) status as a criterion of similarity.
Fundamentally, what is needed is a theoretical perspective in which group
membership per se (rather than other
phenotypic characteristics of the individual) is of decisive importance in
producing animosity between groups.
Creating a group evolutionary strategy results in
the possibility of cultural group selection resulting from between-group
competition in which the groups are defined by culturally produced ingroup
markings (Richerson & Boyd 1997). Boyd and Richerson (1987) show that
ingroup markers can evolve as an adaptive response to heterogeneous
environments. Groups mark themselves off from other groups and thereby are able
to remain reproductively isolated from other groups and adjust rapidly to new
and variable environments. Judaism in traditional societies was indeed
characterized by a highly elaborated set of ingroup markings that effectively
set Jews off from gentile society (PTSDA,
Ch. 4). The proposal here is that the process of creating ingroup markings is
central to understanding anti-Semitism.
The body of theory that I believe is most relevant
to conceptualizing anti-Semitism derives from psychological research on social
identity (Abrams & Hogg 1990; Hogg & Abrams 1987 1993; Tajfel 1981;
Turner 1987). Interestingly, social identity theory was pioneered by Henri
Tajfel, a Jewish survivor of Nazi concentration camps who regards the group
conflict that shaped his own life as having a strong influence on his research
interests (see Tajfel 1981, 1–3).